一九八四的迈克尔·曼：一篇发表于EJS上的论国家权力
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一九八四的迈克尔·曼：一篇发表于EJS上的论国家权力
Mann于1984年在EJS上发表了这篇有关国家自主性权力的文章，一经发布，就在学界引起了巨大的影响，标志着国家自主性在Skocopl为首的“找回国家”运动中轰轰烈烈地探讨已进入顶峰。Mann试图指出国家相对于“公民社会（Civil Society）”的主要权力集团所具有的自治权的起源，机制和结果。
原文来源:
The autonomous power of the state: its origins, mechanisms and results
Author(s):Michael Mann
Source:European Journal of Sociology Vol. 25, No. 2 (1984), pp. 185-213.
简介
Mann在1984年在EJS上发表了这篇有关国家自主性权力的文章，一经发布，就在学界引起了巨大的影响，标志着国家自主性在“找回国家”运动中轰轰烈烈地探讨已进入顶峰。
Mann试图指出国家相对于“公民社会（Civil Society）”的主要权力集团所具有的自治权的起源、机制和结果。
这篇文章之所以重要，在于他提出了两个国家自主性权力的重要维度：专制权力与基础权力。而这种国家自主性，体现在：flows principally from the state's unique ability to provide aterritorially-centralised form of organization.
twoessential parts of the definition, centrality and territoriality, in relation to two types of state power, termed here despotic and infrastructural power. Iargue that state autonomy, of both despotic and infrastructural forms, flows principally from the state's unique ability to provide aterritorially-centralised form of organization.
对话的对象
新马克思主义的“相对自主性”（特别是结构马克思主义的旗手，普兰查斯与Jessop，我们先前的文章有介绍过普兰查斯的相对自主性概念，参见）
上世纪40年代左右的德国军国主义国家理论（Ratzenhofer，Gumplowicz，施米特），特别是在他们影响下的韦伯
融合马克思主义与韦伯的Skocpol的自主性理解：两个国家的决定性因素：（1）社会阶级结构（2）国家外部秩序
These two 'basic sets of tasks' are undertaken by 'a set of administrative, policing andmilitary organizations headed, and more or less well co-ordinated by, anexecutive authority' for whom resources are extracted from society.
但Mann的角度与新马、Weberian, Skocpol不同。他以国家的two dimensions为角度剖析国家的自主性权力：一是国家精英的权力；二是国家对公民社会的权力。（但仍旧从选取角度，可以看出Mann的对话并没有离开新马、韦伯与新派理论的范式，特别是结构韦伯主义方法论，他的分析方法优点在于摒弃还原论的排列组合）
Mann对国家的定义
Institutionally and functionally两者都需要被兼具
a) a differentiatedset of institutions and personnel embodying
b) centrality in the sense that political relations radiate outwards from a centre to cover
c) a territorially-demarcated area, over which it exercises
d) a monopoly of authoritative binding rule-making, backed up by a monopoly ofthe means of physical violence.
功能性因素：Monopoly of binding rule making.
制度性因素：ARENA
国家权力的双重含义
区分国家权力与国家精英的权力
专制权力=国家精英的权力
The firstsense concerns what we might term the despotic power of the state elite, the range of actions which the elite is empowered to undertake without routine,institutionalised negotiation with civil society groups.
基础权力（对民主社会至关重要）
We mightterm this infrastructural power, the capacity of the state to actually penetrate civil society, and to implement logistically political decisions throughout the realm.
国家权力的两个维度建构出的四种理想型
封建制、官僚制、帝国制与威权制；
（1）A division of labour between the state's main activities which itco-ordinated centrally.（劳动分工，特别是战争中的士兵）
（2）Literacy, enabling stabilised messages to be transmitted through thestate's territories by its agents, and enabling legal responsibilities to becodified and stored. Giddens (1981) emphasises this 'storage' aspect of statepower.（文字）
（3）Coinage, and weights and measures, allowing commodities to beexchanged under an ultimate guarantee of value by the state. （货币与度量衡）
（4）Rapidity of communication of messages and of transport of peopleand resources through improved roads, ships, telegraphy, etc.（交通联络）
国家与市民社会普遍的发展；
权力的技术体现于：军事权力、经济权力与意识形态权力；
国家权力的起源
（1） 国家兴起的必然性
（2） 国家功能的多样性：内部秩序维持；军事防卫侵略；交通设施维持；经济再分配
（3） 国家领土的集中性：ARENA 社会权力手段在一个领土范围内呈现，经济、意识形态与军事缺一不可。a. 日常行为的控制; b. 更大地区建立起形式上服从的基本规则；
结果：基础权力
国家要利用社会资源，就必须以基础权力为支撑：
These enable it to regulate, normatively and byforce, a given set of social and territorial relations, and to erect boundariesagainst the outside.
The state is an arena, the condensa tion, thecrystallisation, the summation of social relations within its territories—apoint often made by Poulantzas (1972). Yet, despite appearances, this does notsupport Poulantzas' reductionist view of the state, for this is an active role.
国家可以通过巩固领土来促进巨大的社会变革，而如果没有它，这将是不可能发生的。该行动者的重要性与其基础权力成正比：国家的基础权力越多或变得越大，社会生活的领土化程度也就越高。. Every dispute between the state elite and elements of civil society, and every dispute among the latter which is routinely regulated through the state'sinstitutions, tends to focus the relations and the struggles of civil society on to the territorial plane of the state, consolidating social interaction overthat terrain, creating territorialised mechanisms for repressing or compromising the struggle, and breaking both smaller local and also wider transnational social relationships.
编译|李致宪
审核|华堂门生
原标题：《一九八四的迈克尔·曼：一篇发表于EJS上的论国家权力》